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LOS ANGELES --- One recalls Washington's lambasting of Asia for
"weak prudential regulation." The entire region was indicted
for "lack of transparency" and "crony capitalism."
Asian firms, it was charged, failed to project an honest picture
of themselves to investors -- and listless or compromised Asian
governments were part of the deal. Westerners breathed fire over
South Korea's "corrupt chaebols" -- those all-too-cozy
conglomerates that failed the West's "transparency" test
by shading their true dealings from view.
Well, now it's
the world's turn to lambaste America. For it has a sordid super-scandal:
Enron. The dramatic collapse of this U.S.-style chaebol -- a gigantic
Houston-based energy conglomerate -- looks to be the largest corporate
bankruptcy in U.S. history. This "crony capitalism" scandal
just might reach into the White House ("What did Bush administration
know, and when did it first know it?" -- sound familiar?) and
perhaps into the halls of Congress as well. Aided and abetted by
the Arthur Andersen accounting firm, which apparently cooked Enron's
books to hide from public view the underground sea of red ink that
at the end of the day engulfed it, the collapse should cut into
America's conscience across partisan lines. It will cost many honest
investors a fortune and many hard-working Enron retirees peace of
mind (as their 401(k) company stock shrinks in dollar value). In
short, the United States has failed its own transparency test, big
time.
This immoral
tale should serve as a brake on the self-congratulatory and self-deceptive
idea that America is morally a better place than anywhere else.
Yes, America is exceptional, in many ways; but it is scarcely immune
to the kind of corruption that plagues just about everyone else.
Indeed, evaluated objectively, the United States has a mediocre
integrity rating, at least as assessed by the authoritative Transparency
International, the Berlin-based non-governmental organization.
On its most
recent "Corruption Perceptions Index," a complex compilation
of corruption levels worldwide, the United States once again failed
to break into the top 10. It landed no better than slot 16, below
not just squeaky-clean Scandinavian countries but also behind Australia,
Hong Kong, New Zealand and Singapore, all of which were more highly
ranked for controlling corruption.
To be sure,
Asians are the first to acknowledge that its region is far from
devoid of corporate and governmental corruption. The financial crisis
of 1997-99 offered good reasons to believe poor-quality corporate
information did worsen its crisis. The affected economies were hardly
models of comportment. Nor were their governments always assiduous
regulators of the private sector. Even so, Western investors who
then blamed Asia for all their troubles had plenty of data about
their prospective investments -- certainly enough to convince their
clients to part with their money in the first place!
In hindsight,
was there, categorically speaking, any more misrepresentation from
Asia than from Enron? We in the West need to level with ourselves
and cut down on the moral finger pointing. For by blaming others
and excusing ourselves, we stand in the way of a more functional,
realistic world community. Even today, nearly three years after
the end of the Asian financial crisis, the capital-flow issue, a
major cause of the Asian crisis, still has not been addressed. The
United States is simply not interested. In part because those very
"crony capitalist" allies of Democratic and Republican
Party campaign-financing machines were making such bundles with
their currency and equity speculation, the U.S. party line was that
the financial crisis was Asia's fault. "There is a strong consensus,"
concluded Western lecturer-in-chief Michel Camdessus in 1999, "for
making transparency the 'golden rule' of the new international financial
system." Rapacious currency and equity speculation by the West
had absolutely nothing to do with it. Oh, sure.
The story of
the scandalous collapse of the Enron chaebol may never be fully
told. Too many powerful people and interests -- Democrats as well
as Republicans -- had their fingers in the action. But if nothing
else, we should learn to be less condemnatory of others and more
honest with ourselves. Only until we accept that we are all more
or less in the same moral boat together, and that the United States
is sometimes part of the problem, too, can America develop the leadership
and moral respect necessary to rally attention to the world's systemic
problems and begin to solve them. Let's hope Enron will give us
that. For in the long run, moral bankruptcy is even more damaging
to a society than the corporate kind.
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