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It's nice to see a prominent West Coast American at such a high
foreign-policy level in Washington. That's the case with Condoleezza
Rice, the former provost of Stanford University. Now, more than
one year into the new administration, Bush's national security advisor
is anything but just another assembly-line Eastern Establishment
insider who'd relegate China and the rest of Asia to a back seat
behind Russia and Europe. On the eve of President Bush's timely
visit to Asia this weekend, Rice thus offered on-the-record insights
into high-level U.S. thinking.
FIRST STOP,
TOKYO: Bush officials came into office high on making Japan the
Asian counterpart to Britain, but as the reality of Japan's economic
problems and political gridlock sunk in, they toned down the happy
talk.
Even so, the
administration believes Japan's economic impasse has unfortunately
overshadowed its impressive contribution to the anti-terror war.
"This is an underwritten story," sighed Rice. "Prime
Minister Junichiro Koizumi told the president very early on that
Japan would try to be significant -- that it would expand the boundaries
of what it would be able to do. The result has been positive implications
for security in the region." But is the Japanese contribution
of transport and rescue ships at the rear of the action really such
a big deal? Yes, she responded: "Remember: the Japanese Defense
Forces are the one force among our allies that was always modernizing."
Rice doubts that any other Japanese politician besides Koizumi would
have so extended himself politically for the U.S. cause.
Although the
telegenic prime minister's popularity has shrunk from about 70 to
50 percent, he still gets Rice's vote. But can Koizumi lift Japan
out of the recessionary soup? "Consider the way Koizumi came
to power, the great extent to which he really does understand the
economic and political challenges, and his ability to mobilize the
country," she responded, "we should hope for the best."
How can Bush help? "The President wants Japan to be a strong
partner economically, and he will talk with Koizumi about the joint
responsibility of the No. 1 and No. 2 economies in the world. And
the president plans to give strong support for reform -- a very
strong public affirmation of Japan's need to reform."
SECOND STOP,
SOUTH KOREA: The president will do all he can to stay smiley about
the patient, pro-talk policy of South Korean President Kim Dae Jung,
currently politically embattled at home, toward prickly North Korea.
"We support what Kim Dae Jong has been doing," insisted
Rice, "which is the policy of peace through strength."
But while supporting sunshine, "the
ball is in the North Korean court," she warned.
But wasn't the
president's inclusion of North Korea on the now-infamous "axis
of evil" list a stretch -- and a big downer for Kim Dae Jung?
Not at all, she replied: "All three on that list are particularly
bad offenders. What North Korea is doing in the world -- missile
sales and so on -- can't be swept under the rug. And this administration
is not going to do that. The president always works from a position
of moral clarity, and he doesn't see any contradiction between strong
support for peace and holding North Korea accountable."
One worries,
though, that this tough line stands less of a chance of shaking
North Korea's Kim Jong Il from the tree than South Korea's Kim Dae
Jung, with whom Bush meets early this week. "We are always
prepared to talk. And we believe there is no distance at all between
our policy and South Korea's."
LAST STOP, BEIJING:
The very fact that the president will spend any time at all in Beijing
would seem to indicate serious movement away from the administration's
initial chilliness to China. That could be in part as a reward for
China's quiet intelligence help in the U.S. war against terrorism
in Central Asia. For, if Beijing's contributions have been at all
disappointing, as some reports suggest, Rice wasn't saying: "They've
been very helpful. We believe they've done everything they can do."
Looking at the
glass as half full rather than half empty seems a dramatic change
in outlook from a year ago, when the downsizing of China and the
inflating of Japan seemed central to the new Asia policy. Not really,
said Rice: "Go back to the president's discussions in China
about
the EP-3 surveillance plane incident. He indicated then that it
was important to the United States to preserve a productive and
realistic relationship with China. There are a lot of facets to
that complex relationship ... China is undergoing tremendous growth
and transition."
That's an understatement,
for sure, as she referred to the intense transition struggle now
going on in China as current President Jiang Zemin moves to a more
behind-the-scenes role. But haven't the Chinese settled the issue
of the next leader (technocrat Hu Jintao, with whom Bush is
scheduled to meet)? "Regarding the movement to a new government,"
said the pointedly precise -- and intellectually modest -- Rice,
"I think we are not prepared to think we know what will happen."
Somehow her modesty seemed thoroughly -- and appropriately -- sincere.
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