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LOS ANGELES --- America's love-hate relationship with China proceeds
apace. The latest bump in the bilateral road is yet another fearsome
China scare.
Actually, though,
in America, this is nothing new. The U.S. political psyche seems
to need a good China scare from time to time to get the juices flowing.
Recall that
an almost perfect storm swirled around the 1997 book, "The
Coming Conflict With China." Whipped up by two American journalists
formerly stationed in Beijing, the polemic, as the title suggests,
was anything but optimistic about the Sino-U.S. relationship, bulking
up China's military buildup and melo-dramatizing the truth that
China's strategic aims in Asia do not of course perfectly mirror
those of the United States.
Two years later,
a different scare came from the Cox Commission Report, alleging
widespread Beijing spying in America. But that fizzled after the
U.S. media exhausted itself in its hysteria - and when the U.S.
government's case against alleged spy Wen Ho Lee fell apart. And
after the federal judge not only invalidated all but a single charge
but also blasted the government for even filing the case, suddenly
it seemed as if all those Chinese spies had simply gone home.
This time the
scare issue is China's economic development, which now, it seems,
is a major economic menace. Instead of being, on balance, an overall
blessing for all concerned, China's rapid growth is being pitched
as a rapacious force undermining other Asian economies and eating
away at America's, as well.
The political
pitchmen come from within U.S. lobbies fearful of competing with
lower-priced Chinese imports that American consumers (not all of
them Communists!) find in growing numbers a good buy.
President Bush
"continues to facilitate the transfer of money, industrial
capacity and technology to China in ways that will aid its development
as a threat to the United States and its Asian allies," charges
William R. Hawkins, a protectionist pundit for the U.S. Business
and Industry Council, adding: "The Bush administration must
choose between the need to protect American security from a rising
China and its desire to please corporate supporters who are helping
China rise."
Then there's
the dogmatic argument that China's gain is basically everyone else's
loss. An increasingly globalized and modernized nation of 1.3 billion
is not a win-win for almost everyone; it's a losing proposition
for everyone but China. That's absurd. Sure, China's neighbors in
Asia - from Indonesia and Taiwan to Singapore and Japan - are understandably
worried about Chinese competition, and know they are going to have
to work harder and compete smarter.
Indeed, one
Tokyo-based pundit - Japanese management guru and author ("The
Borderless World") Kenichi Ohmae - writes in a coming issue
of New Perspectives Quarterly, an influential West Coast journal,
that Chinese competition could cause more problems for neighboring
countries than the Asian economic crisis of 1997-99.
That's highly
doubtful. Indeed, any doomsday scenario of greatly reduced growth,
devastated domestic stock markets and destabilizing levels of unemployment
is unnecessary fear-mongering. Certainly, China's economic progress
will produce some tense moments, just as the Japanese economic miracle
of the Eighties roiled economies in America, as well as Europe.
But on the whole, Asia and the rest of the world was far more enriched
by Japan's success than undermined; and that will be the case, too,
as China rises economically.
And, surely,
China's entry into the World Trade Organization and its concomitant
acceptance of globalization will not be smooth as silk when the
mainland's own protectionist lobbies kick in to slow down market
openings and frustrate Premier Zhu Rongji's reform program. For
all countries have domestic lobbies trying to bar the way of foreign
economic competition. Just look at the extraordinary worldwide row
over the Bush administration's apparent decision to cave in to the
U.S. steel industry and union by slapping regressive import quotas
on foreign steel.
That decision
has our strategic and economic allies in Asia, such as South Korea,
and in Europe, such as Great Britain, angrier at the United States
than at anything China has done lately. And Los Angeles Times reporters
Carol Williams and Marjorie Miller wrote last week from Moscow that
Russia, where steel sales to the U.S. count for a tenth of its total
bilateral trade, is so furious, it might just pull out of the anti-terrorism
campaign, not to mention trade agreements with the United States.
Who is the greater
threat - China or the United States - to world economic equanimity?
There's no way to answer that, of course, and it's really a silly
question. Even so, let's not put that proposition to a vote in London,
Moscow or Seoul just now. Let's just say that what's continually
needed in America's relationship with China is not another over-hyped
Red Scare, but the three ingredients all too often missing: common
sense, political maturity and intellectual honesty.
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