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LOS ANGELES --- Undoubtedly, former U.S. President Jimmy Carters
red-carpet reception in Cuba rubbed President George Bush the wrong
way.
Its not
just because Carter is a leading member of the opposition party,
or that Bush would rather have made such a trip himself. After all,
if America can be friends with China and Saudi Arabia -- not to
mention the suddenly pivotal Central Asian states -- why not with
Cuba?
Whats
really bothering Bush is that Carter doesnt have to run for
reelection, and Bush, of course, does. So the essential difference
between a place like repressive Uzbekistan and a place like repressive
Cuba is Florida.
To understand
the oddities of all-over-the-map American foreign policy, look at
the intricacies of its domestic politics. As there are approximately
833,000 Castro-hating Cuban exiles in Florida -- a state with 25
electoral votes that no national politician can ever afford to ignore,
especially after the photo-finish 2000 election. U.S.-Cuba policy
is frozen in the iceberg of U.S. electoral politics.
Despite that
reality, the U.S. business lobby would like to thaw that relationship
to rustle up new investment opportunities in the Caribbean. But
the potential magnitude of the Cuban market is nothing like that
of China, and so is not a worthwhile political risk for the White
House. Besides, no other pivotal U.S. electoral state possesses
such a comparably potent concentration of single-issue voters (as
Floridas Cuban exiles) that limits an incumbent presidents
room for maneuver.
Even so, foreigners
must wonder about the consistency and integrity of a foreign policy
that persists in the isolation of Cuba while flowering in the direction
of suddenly useful Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kirgyzstan
and Tajikistan -- states every bit as repressive as any on Earth
and far less fair (in terms of income distribution) than some (like
Cuba).
Cuba is not,
of course, the only example of such inconsistency. Consider the
case of Americas suspiciously selective commitment to the
principles of free trade. We preach to others the gospel of opening
markets and pushing coddled, protected industries into the brutal
but real world of open competition. But then, like a drunken preacher,
we do not always practice what we preach.
For example,
to protect the rusty U.S. steel industry, the Bush administration
is raising tariffs on foreign steel imports and, to protect the
reelection prospects of members of Congress from rural regions,
is signing a new law providing increased government subsidies to
U.S. farmers. That, in effect, undercuts lower priced foreign produce,
especially and tragically from low-wage developing countries struggling
to raise living standards.
Even our close
ally Australia, while no struggling Third World nation, is complaining
publicly about this trend. How can the worlds only superpower,
asks Trade Minister Mark Vaile, claim the leadership of the World
Trade Organization and champion of the free-trade ideal, only to
engineer protectionism in its own back yard? Subsidies are to improving
market access for developing nations like conservative Islamic states
to religious freedom. Australia leads an 18-member group of agriculture-exporting
nations for which the huge U.S. market makes all the difference.
But hypocrisy
is a bumper crop in Washington. And so the increasingly protectionist
Bush administration is now throwing mud at the Democratic-controlled
Senate for the same sinful practice of protectionism. The current
version of the international trade bill -- known as fast track
-- is being doctored by protectionist senators. If passed, it will
allow Congress to pull the plug on any trade deal Congress deems
inimical to U.S. anti-dumping or anti-subsidies laws. U.S. Trade
Representative Robert Zoellick, speaking for the White House, issued
a ringing denunciation of the amendment as protectionism under
procedural cover.
Seen from the
perspective of our allies and trading partners, this protectionist
circus in Washington is hardly inspirational. But it is, to be sure,
a real-world exercise: So perhaps if the United States were to get
off its free-trade high horse and lecture others a lot less often,
the world would be more sympathetic to the intense pressures of
our domestic politics. But without frank and credible U.S. leadership
in market-opening measures, the darkness of debilitating trade wars
looms.
Can we expect
much from Washington before the big round of trade talks in Mexico
next year? Look at it this way: U.S. congressional elections take
place in November. The last state primary takes place on Sept. 21
-- in Hawaii. There are 34 Senate seats contested. Guess how many
senators are likely to stand up against the vested interests this
year? Just ask Fidel.
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