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LOS ANGELES --- Who will prove the real winners and losers of last
week's nationwide U.S. elections?
The immediate
winner, to be sure, was President George W. Bush Jr. His strong
post-9/11 profile helped make other Republicans look so much better
than the bumbling Democrats, who lost control of Congress. But decisive
U.S. elections impact places far beyond the pristine Peorias and
intellectual Princetons of America.
Consider the
obvious: Iraq. It could be argued that, since over the last year
Bush slammed Saddam Hussein more often than he did Democratic House
Leader Dick Gephardt, the biggest loser is Saddam. After all, Gephardt
resigned his post in the wake of Tuesday's humiliation, and Saddam
may well be next. In fact, should he do a Gephardt, Saddam would
save the Iraqi people more pain and suffering (just as the classy
Missouri congressman is trying to spare his fellow Democrats further
"Bushing").
Other leaders
around the world, especially in Asia, will feel substantial aftershocks,
too. Note that Gephardt's resignation sets off a leadership struggle
in the House of Representatives (America's larger, lower legislature)
that could have legs long enough to travel to China. That's because
right behind him in Democratic Party hierarchy is Nancy Pelosi.
Make no mistake
about it, Beijing: She is one tough cookie. If this committed human-rights
activist, who takes an extremely dim view of Beijing's policies
on Tibet, Taiwan and dissidents, wins the top House job, China may
just wind up in the No. 2 spot behind Baghdad on the losers list.
For, in this prominent leadership role, the plucky Pelosi would
be in a strong position to expose those Republican Party business
lobbies for Enron-level moral laxity on China (i.e., we take the
money, we blink at the ethical issues, we run back to our stockholders
looking like champs and the heck with those poor dissidents).
This outspoken
woman, serving a district that includes most of San Francisco since
1987, represents many anti-Beijing ethnic Chinese. While there's
no way she can trump the president of the United States on the China
policy issue, the boys in Beijing would be very unwise to underestimate
this lady -- poised to become a West Coast Catherine the Great.
There are other
pluses and minuses for Asia in the election results.
Will an emboldened
Bush administration throw more sand in North Korea's face? The early
signs suggest not: "With North Korea, we are taking a different
strategy (than with Iraq)," Bush the victorious said Thursday
(Nov. 7) in Washington. "We are working with other countries
in the neighborhood ... to convince North Korea that having nuclear
weapons is not in North Korea's interests ... And we are working
with our Japanese friends and with China and with Vladimir Putin
... to remind North Korea" of the folly of nuclearizing its
arsenal. Indeed, Bush pointedly praised Chinese President Jiang
Zemin's call during his recent Texas visit for a nuclear-free Korean
Peninsula. Nice job here, Mr. President.
Other questions
roil Asian waters.
Will the Bush
administration, worried about the U.S. economy even as the Federal
Reserve dramatically (but perhaps unwisely) lowered interest rates
yet again, renew bashing the Japanese for their slow-as-molasses
economy and thus undermine our strategic relationship with Tokyo?
Will the Bush
administration, having squeezed all it can out of Gen. Pervez Musharraf's
Pakistan in the anti-terror campaign, soon turn its back on Islamabad
and re-tilt toward India, as many Bush officials openly proposed
prior to 9/11?
And, finally,
with the Republican-controlled Congress manage to upend the well-intentioned
but foolish Leahy Amendment that forbids direct U.S. military aid
to Indonesian armed forces, the sole institution capable of keeping
that far-flung archipelago intact -- and preserve Indonesia's fledgling
democracy?
But surely the
overarching question in the wake of the Tuesday's Bush-whacking
of the Democrats transcends issues Asian to embrace the totality
of the U.S. outlook toward the rest of the world: It is whether
an obnoxious and conceited "my-way-or-the-highway" unilateralism
will tighten its grip on the U.S. foreign-policy mentality even
more.
Bush, despite
this election triumph (or perhaps because of it), could prove to
be the long-term winner in history's eyes if he spurns that parochial
strategy by taking a view that winning a national election, as difficult
as it is, is a lot less difficult than winning the hearts and minds
of the world. And it's here where America's true influence and power
lies.
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