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LOS ANGELES -- Mistake-making is a common occupation of governments
everywhere, but lately the Chinese government has made two monster
blunders that uncomfortably reopen the question of whether China
has made all that much progress after all. The issues concern North
Korea and SARS.
In general,
Chinese diplomacy has been otherwise nimble if conservative. But
it has been embarrassingly clumsy on North Korea. Asked (reasonably
enough) by Washington to step up the pressure on Pyongyang to drop
its nuclear-weapons program, Beijing has said it lacks leverage.
This hapless claim flies in the face of credulity. If China does
wield scant influence over its former soul mate, those in charge
of its North Korean policy should be fired. Year after year of substantial
aid and ideological comfort to the North should not yield so little
in return. If China aspires to be the most influential power in
the region, it can scarcely hope to attain that with ineffective
policies. Beijing urgently needs to locate some leverage before
the Pentagon starts to view North Korea as another Iraq.
Domestically,
China has made many good moves, but its inept handling of the Severe
Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) epidemic rekindles old fears.
In the end, the SARS epidemic will be controlled, and the current
scare perhaps found overwrought. But it's deeply unnerving that
China failed to report the SARS' outbreak to the international community
when it first surfaced in Guangdong last fall and then sought to
cover up the subsequent outbreak up north, including Beijing.
When signing
onto international conventions governing economic behavior (World
Trade Organization) not to mention health conduct (World Health
Organization), a signatory in effect stipulates that it is not infantile
like Myanmar but a true adult player on the global stage. Yet in
at least the two respects here mentioned, China has seemed a nation
behaving badly.
China's recent
stumbles were enabled by its conspicuous failure to normalize relations
between the central government (with its overarching concern for
national image and internal control) and the country's media. In
general the latter are yearning to become more like Japan's and
South Korea's (professional and vigorous) and less like Cuba's and
North Korea's (arms of Big Brother). Had the media been able to
do its job, the full dimensions of the SARS outbreak would have
been more quickly reported not just to the international media community
but even to the central government itself.
Chinese leaders
need to reference the pioneering work of Nobel Prize-winning economist
Amartya Sen. The Harvard and Cambridge don argues that social catastrophes
(such as extended periods of widespread starvation) are more likely
in societies that suppress the press. Thus, India, since its independence
in 1947, has suffered no major famines, whereas in China 10 million
people, at the very least, have died from famines since then. The
urgency doesn't require the overnight installation of a Western-style
press but the evolution of a news media more consistent with China's
self-proclaimed need for greater national transparency. That valuable
quality has begun to characterize the work of its business press,
which increasingly offers objective and penetrating accounts of
the nation's economic and business opportunities and woes. But the
official lid has been kept on its general and political press.
The desire to
invest in and trade with China will abate to the extent the most
populous nation is seen to be stuck in the medieval past of Mao.
To avoid that image the regime must loosen the reins on its news
media. China requires not only better and quicker public reporting
about its problems but also more open debate about its public policies,
foreign and domestic.
"The public,"
Sen once said, "has to see itself not merely as a patient,
but as an agent of change." The government and ruling party
of China believe they can do it all by themselves. But as the world
is finding out, they can't.
Perhaps our
expectations became unrealistic after the resurgence of 1979, when
a frustrated China threw out the Little Red economic book and got
down to business. And perhaps we were too impressed by the apparent
pragmatism and Western dress-and-style of leaders Jiang Zemin and
Zhu Rongji. Whatever the reason -- whether wishing the star-crossed
Chinese people a long-overdue streak of luck or self-interestedly
hoping to sell them a billion burgers -- the world has had great
expectations. But if China doesn't start elevating its standards,
the world will start lowering its own expectations. SARS and North
Korea offer a wake-up call for the incoming government of Hu Jintao.
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