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LOS ANGELES -- Location, in politics as well as in real estate,
is almost everything. When British Prime Minister Tony Blair came
calling on President George W. Bush, America's foremost Iraq-war
ally raised with Washington the tender issue of repairing badly
damaged relations with America's old-Europe friends. That's not
bad advice at all, of course. The views and indeed friendship of
Paris and Bonn are important to have, especially over the long run.
But had it been
the prime minister of Malaysia or the president of Indonesia showing
up at Camp David last week, our Texas Methodist president would
have been exposed to a profoundly different perspective. What you
see -- and what you lose sleep over -- so often depends not only
on where you stand but also with whom you live.
For living in
Kuala Lumpur and Jakarta, not to mention Tehran and Cairo, are a
lot of devout Muslims. In Indonesia, the world's fourth-most-populated
nation, Muslims account for 95 percent of the people; in Malaysia
(which has twice the population of Belgium), 52 percent. There are
133 million Muslims in China, 10 million in the Philippines. Muslims
comprise 17 percent of Singapore's population and 14 percent of
India's. Pakistan is 97 percent Muslim just like Iraq. Across the
region, the followers of Allah are extremely potent domestic political
factors.
This fact creates
a religious dimension to this war even though that's the furthest
thing from the mind of the invading coalition. Unwittingly, however,
"Operation Iraqi Freedom" has stepped into centuries of
roiling history involving clashes between East and West. And so
the worry in Asia, especially among America's supporters, is that
the Bush administration may have saddled itself with a lose-lose
strategy. To lose the war to Saddam, of course, would be unthinkable;
but victory inevitably will be twisted by Muslim radicals -- hard-core
fundamentalists or ultra-conservatives revivalists, not to mention
venomous terrorist groups -- to make the case that colonialism has
returned to their neighborhood in force and with a vengeance.
The unwanted
consequence of that propaganda line could be to vault Islam's worst
elements into positions of power and influence, leaving the vast
middle ground of moderate and reformist Islam behind in the dust.
The American occupation of Iraq, no matter how short-lived, would
be rhetorically book-ended with the Israeli occupation of Palestine
for incendiary political effect.
An Islam more
or less united against the United States would be a force far more
awesome than Iraq, even on Saddam's worst day. Already fiery speeches
in mosques from Egypt to Pakistan are calling for a jihad. Malaysia's
Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad (who pointedly supported last year's
U.S. retaliation against Afghanistan) recently blasted the war effort:
''Today the U.S. is more belligerent than Hitler.'' An absurd statement,
but one that's inspired by domestic politics: The PM's ruling party
confronts fierce fundamentalist Islamic opposition that proposes
to convert secular Malaysia into an official religious state like
Iran. Indonesia, another secular state, is home to the world's largest
Muslim population. Recently, the head of the Indonesia-based Liberal
Islam Network, Ulil Abshar-Abdalla, said: ''From my perspective,
the Bush war in Iraq is a sort of jihad, its own sort of fundamentalism.''
The LIN is a progressiver reformist group that pointedly campaigns
against Islam's deeply encrusted ways (veiled women, etc.).
Such Islamic
reverberations in Asia could trigger corresponding tremors in the
United States, where Islam is perhaps the country's fastest-growing
religion, soon to eclipse Judaism in numbers. The Islamic community
has been cooperating responsibly with the FBI in fighting the domestic
war on terrorism and reaching out to Christian religions. Even so,
it is continually the target of ethnic profiling and hate crimes,
more than ever now as emotions over the war heat up. The Washington-based
Council on American-Islamic Relations, a civil rights group, has
even distributed a ''community safety kit,'' a booklet offering
worried Muslim-Americans advice on how to make mosques safer, how
to respond to bomb threats and how to deal with suspect letters
and packages.
Defusing a potential
Islamic bomb of worldwide anti-U.S. hatred is as important as locating
Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. That can be done only if Bush
himself takes the lead, as he did poignantly but briefly a few days
after Sept. 11, 2001, when he directly addressed the Islamic Center
in Washington. With evident feeling, the president praised the Islamic
community's contributions to American life and excoriated perpetrators
of anti-Islamic hate. ''When we think of Islam,'' he said then,
''we think of a faith that brings comfort to a billion people around
the world. And that's made brothers and sisters out of every race
-- out of every race.''
The remedy to
the rise of anti-U.S. fundamentalism is not to lose the war to Iraq,
of course -- but to win the peace that will follow. This means America
must do everything possible not to alienate the hearts and minds
of Islam. Diplomatically, winning back Kuala Lumpur and Jakarta
is as important as mending fences with Bonn and Paris. Domestically,
America must be munificent as well as meticulous in its dealings
with its 6 million or so Muslims. The Blair vision covers only part
of the globe.
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