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LOS ANGELES --
In case North Koreas leaders havent noticed, the Wolfowitz
is at the door. As in Paul Wolfowitz, the articulate U.S. deputy
defense secretary. He recently repeated in Singapore the new American
line that when confronting evil, force is always an option never
to be taken off the table.
North Korea,
Pyongyangs leaders may recall, is a charter member of President
George W. Bushs "axis of evil" club. North Korean
leader Kim Jong-il need only check with Saddam Hussein (if he can
find him) if unclear about whether this post-9/11 Warrior Administration
is serious about backing up its threats.
But the "Wolf,"
in remarks at the Asian security conference May 31, was not all
hawk. North Korea, he implied, should look no further than China
for an escape route from isolation and misery. "Twenty-five
years ago, China pointed the way for how a failed Communist system
can undertake a process of reform without collapsing," he said.
"That is the course North Korea needs to pursue." This
formula was pointedly echoed just days later by Yoon Young-kwan,
South Koreas foreign minister: "Like China, the North
should open its economy even if it maintains control on politics."
Such a linkage was suggested in this column months ago.
Isnt it
remarkable how China, once a billion-strong backwater, has suddenly
become the model for "reform without regime change"? But
the kudos are not undeserved. Two decades of growth have lifted
more people out of poverty more quickly than in recorded history.
Even so, because Chinas economy is running into difficulty
now, North Korea should take the Wolfowitz/Yoon route sooner rather
than later. For if China runs out of go-go steam, political instability
could be just around the corner. If that happens, North Korea might
just as well fight it out rather reform its way out.
Alas, cracks
are already beginning to show. RAND senior economist Charles Wolf,
whose eagerly awaited book on Chinas economy is due out soon,
is now worried: "The SARS epidemic, while apparently abating,
provides an unwanted addition to the already full plate of challenges
confronting Chinas economy and its leadership. The systems
capacity to digest this fare will be sorely tested in the months
and years ahead."
The worries
of this Wolf appear to be reflected in roiling domestic Chinese
politics. The authorities are foolishly beating anew the dead horses
of "Taiwan as rebellious teenager"and "Tokyo as incurable
imperialist." Recently, on the same day, on the same page,
China Daily, the English-language newspaper still under Communist
Party control, ran major articles condemning Taipeis campaign
to sneak into the World Health Organization on the SARS-crisis carpet
and Tokyos continued refusal to hand over the long-disputed
Diaoyu Islands. The very fact that Beijing would choose this moment
to pick a fight with Taiwan, with which mutually advantageous economic
cooperation is improving every day, and with Tokyo, with which it
desperately needs to mend fences and improve relations, is telling.
The new government of Hu Jintao, now in some difficulty, is attempting
to keep its people at bay with stupid and strident nationalistic
appeals.
Why should any
American care about this? For the simple reason that a prosperous
China adds to American prosperity in many ways: Its low-cost goods,
from Toys-R-Us to Heier appliances, in effect constitute a substantial
subsidy to the American middle class stretching its consumer dollar.
Another reason is that a prosperous China is a stable China, and
a stable China will eventually lure North Korea into reforming.
This would obviate the need for war on the Korean peninsula -- a
bloody prospect at best. And that would save many American -- not
to mention Korean -- lives.
But will it
be war or peace? Wolfowitz, who in his subtle clenched-fist way
sounds more and more like a non-accented Kissinger, insists Washington
prefers peace on the peninsula. But the Hu Jintao government is
not sure; neither are many South (not to mention North) Koreans.
Whatever the truth, Bush will probably want to be reelected before
picking a second fight.
For the American
people, the issue demonstrates anew that U.S. isolationism -- once
a domestic Disneyland of distancing and denial -- is no longer realistic.
But whats equally inadvisable, as Singapores internationally
respected senior minister Lee Kuan Yew pointed out during the security
conference, is an insistent and insular unilateralism. If the United
States "does not cultivate its friends and allies with more
tender care," he said with punchy subtlety, "coalitions
of the willing may become smaller."
Clearly, America
needs to tone down its Incredible Hulk image. "Despite some
of the differences in perspective that the senior minister described
last night," argued Wolfowitz in his speech, "I believe
the United States and its allies and partners in Northeast Asia
can agree on an outcome that serves all our interests." But
that wont happen if American diplomacy is being reduced to
nothing more than a wolf in sheeps clothing.
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