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September 18, 2003

IN JAPAN, IT’S TIME FOR SPECIAL-K

By Tom Plate

Koizumi’s reelection will prove a turning point, one way or the other

© 2003 Asia Pacific Media Network


TOKYO -- For all the attention given to the rise of China, it is still not the most important nation in Asia. Japan, with the globe’s No. 2 economy and a growing list of problems, is. What’s more, for Americans, this society is a virtual next-door neighbor -- not some far-off Asian inscrutability. Its government buys U.S. bonds and financials in voracious quantities that help underwrite the U.S. budget; its multinationals, from Toyota to Sony, are household names; its undulating economic performance casts frightening shadows over other economies or helps light growth fires.

From this perspective, it’s not a stretch to say that, after the Republican and Democratic, the political party with the greatest impact on Americans (not to mention on Asians) is Japan’s infamous LDP, the country’s largest.

To be sure, the longstanding joke in Japan is that the LDP is not really Liberal or Democratic or even a true Party. But few Japanese are laughing, for the joke’s increasingly on Japan. This ossified conglomerate of mainly narrow-bore politicians in the back pocket of vested interests is generally fingered as the lead weight dragging down Japan.

Even the LDP’s powerful secretary-general, Taku Yamasaki, labels the ’90s Japan’s ‘‘lost decade’’ and agrees the LDP has been part of the problem. He credits Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, a colleague for years, with helping Japan rediscover itself. In an hour-long interview in his LDP headquarters office, the S-G claimed the PM is truly committed to putting the Diet, the nation’s parliament, on a reduced-government-expenditure diet. Koizumi, after reelection this weekend as LDP president, will go to the country in a November national election seeking a mandate.

Retro LDP factions that stand in the way of economic reform, suggested Yamasaki, will be either marginalized or purged, even if the process fractures the LDP itself. ‘‘I won’t mind if I destroy the LDP,’’ Koizumi has famously said. Its pork-barrel constituencies are at the party’s rotten core and bloat the national debt: They are the targets of his fat-finding reform campaign.

No more highways that connect nothing of consequence, financed out of the national budget to pay off LDP campaign contributors. No more wasteful bridges that 11 trucks a week cross. And no new taxes under Koizumi, said Yamasaki, so the LDP can throw more money at projects that do little but sate the appetite of greedy constituencies already porked-to-the-gills on yen-cholesterol.

The Koizumi structural-reform campaign, explained Yamasaki, is like the much-applauded fat-trimming at Nissan Motors. Once in serious trouble, Nissan is back. But the company remained lifeless until the arrival of that ‘‘Carlos -- an import,’’ in the S-G’s phrase. Brazilian-born, European-raised Carlos Ghosn -- out of Renault and Michelin -- took over Nissan in 1999 when the board decided only an outsider could rock the corporate culture.

Koizumi, a career politician, is no Latin import, of course. But until recently he has been a black sheep in the LDP (it was only a few years ago that he was given a ministerial position). Many in the party loathe his arrogant flair, extravagant hair, maverick image and lack of party homage. But many voters (especially women) like Super-K for exactly those reasons. His reelection would certainly be a vindication of his political style; it might even be a mandate for change.

Japan is more than capable when its people come together in a unified force. But gutsy leadership is required soon or the nation risks ‘‘catastrophe’’ (Yamasaki’s bold word, not mine) if government debt continues to soar and the old ways prevail. About one in five Japanese is 65 or older -- the highest level among industrialized nations. Their needs will have to be met even as their productivity declines. Yamasaki and Koizumi admire their country’s tough, well-performing multinationals precisely because they are, well, rather un-Japanese. They trim, they revive, they grow. Why not Japan as country?

President George Bush, in next month’s expected visit, will offer warm praise for Koizumi, one of the few Asian leaders to have endorsed the Iraq adventure. The PM should luxuriate in the glow while he can. The Japanese people and their leader face tough decisions ahead. They’ve promised to send forces to help stabilize Iraq, but noticeably not one soldier has yet packed. The six-party talks on Korea remain on track, but presumably North Korea’s nuclear-weapons and missile programs proceed apace -- especially unnerving to the Japanese. And despite the strong rhetoric about ‘‘structural reform,’’ agricultural subsidies and bloated road budgets remain.

Over the weekend, Super-K reiterated the nation’s need to revise its claustrophobic Japanese constitution to enable troops to participate in peacekeeping operations abroad, as Bush wishes. Should the Japanese as a people decide to move as fast as Koizumi and Yamasaki believe they should, few people in Asia would bet against Japan. But nothing so major has happened. The Koizumi Diet is a big seller in Japan -- but no one’s lost much weight yet.


The above weekly column has just appeared in the Honolulu Advertiser, The South China Morning Post and The Straits Times of Singapore. The author, Tom Plate, is a regular columnist at these three papers. The column also appears in other world newspapers, including The San Francisco Chronicle, The Seattle Times, The Japan Times and The Korea Times. Email him at: tplate@ucla.edu.

For publication and reprint rights, contact the author directly or John Simpson (john.simpson@latsi.com) of the Los Angeles Times Syndicate International.


Bio Remarks: Tom Plate is a professor of Policy and Communication Studies at UCLA where he founded the Asia Pacific Media Network. He is a regular columnist for the Los Angeles Times Syndicate International, the South China Morning Post, The Straits Times and the Honolulu Advertiser. He is a member of the World Economic Forum, the Pacific Council on International policy and the author of five books. He has worked at TIME, the Los Angeles Times and the Daily Mail of London.

Previous Columns:

Watching A Japanese Sunrise
(September 15, 2003)

The Beginnings of Democracy in China?
(September 8, 2003)


The Metaphor of the Two Suns
(September 7, 2003)

The Only Way the Terrorists Can Win
(August 31, 2003)